奥古斯丁

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In On Divine Predestination (851) Eriugena argued from Augustine against Gottschalk’s double predestination; Periphyseon weighs Augustine against the Greek Fathers. John Scottus Eriugena, De divina praedestinatione (851); Periphyseon; SEP “John Scottus Eriugena”

依据: 亦见于 Wikidata · Wikidata

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In the Monologion’s preface Anselm said that nothing in it disagrees with the Fathers, especially Augustine’s De Trinitate, whose image of the Trinity in the mind he used. Anselm, Monologion (1076), prologue; SEP “Saint Anselm”

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Abelard’s Sic et non set conflicting patristic texts, many from Augustine, side by side, and his ethics of intention built on Augustine’s view of sin as consent. Abelard, Sic et non; Scito te ipsum (Ethics); SEP “Peter Abelard”

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Hildegard’s theology of creation and the soul shows Augustinian traits, absorbed through monastic reading; as she alludes to rather than cites the Fathers, direct reading is disputed. Hildegard of Bingen, Scivias (1151); A. Meis Wörmer, ‘Influencia agustiniana en la comprensión de la racionalidad de Hildegard von Bingen (s. XII)’, Peregrino 23 (2002)

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Following Augustine, Bonaventure read creatures as traces of God and the mind as his image, through which knowledge leads back to its source (Itinerarium mentis in Deum, 1259). Bonaventure, Itinerarium mentis in Deum (1259); SEP “Saint Bonaventure”

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Llull built his Art on the Augustinian triad of the soul’s powers – memory, understanding and will – which are to remember, know and love God. R. Llull, Ars generalis ultima (1305–08); A. Bonner, The Art and Logic of Ramon Llull (2007); SEP “Ramon Llull”

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Eckhart radicalised Augustine’s turn inward – God more inward than our inmost self – into the birth of God in the ground of the soul. Augustine, Confessions III.6.11; Meister Eckhart, German sermons; SEP “Meister Eckhart”

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Colledge and Walsh note parallels to Augustine, Bernard and William of St-Thierry in Julian’s Showings; whether the self-described ‘unlettered’ Julian read Augustine herself is disputed. Julian of Norwich, A Book of Showings, ed. E. Colledge and J. Walsh (Toronto, 1978), introduction

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Christine’s Book of the City of Ladies (1405) takes up the image of Augustine’s City of God, building an allegorical city of women from exemplary lives. Christine de Pizan, Le Livre de la Cité des Dames (1405); M. Quilligan, The Allegory of Female Authority (1991)

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Erasmus edited Augustine’s collected works (Basel, 1528–29), though as an interpreter of Scripture he preferred Jerome and Origen. Erasmus (ed.), Augustini opera (Froben, Basel 1528–29); SEP “Desiderius Erasmus”

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At Erasmus’ suggestion Vives wrote a learned commentary on Augustine’s City of God, explaining its historical and philosophical references, printed in Basel in 1522. J. L. Vives, Commentarii in XXII libros De civitate Dei (Basel, 1522); SEP “Juan Luis Vives”

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Teresa described reading Augustine’s Confessions around 1554 as a turning point: she saw herself in his conversion in the garden and wept (Book of Her Life, ch. 9). Teresa of Ávila, Libro de la vida (1565), ch. 9; Augustine, Confessions VIII.12

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Shown Augustine’s ‘if I am mistaken, I exist’ (City of God), Descartes acknowledged the parallel but stressed his different use of it (letter to Colvius, 1640). R. Descartes, letter to A. Colvius (Nov. 1640); Augustine, De civitate Dei (si fallor, sum); SEP “Saint Augustine”

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Arnauld defended Jansenius’ Augustinian doctrine of grace and in the Fourth Objections (1641) noted that Augustine had anticipated Descartes’ cogito (On Free Choice of the Will). A. Arnauld, Fourth Objections to Descartes’ Meditationes (1641); Augustine, De libero arbitrio; SEP “Antoine Arnauld”

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In her Athenagoric Letter (1690) Sor Juana defended Augustine’s view that Christ’s greatest proof of love was to die, together with those of Thomas Aquinas and John Chrysostom, against the Jesuit preacher António Vieira, who had claimed to surpass all three. Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz, Carta atenagórica (Crisis de un sermón, 1690); A. Vieira, Sermão do Mandato (1650)

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Husserl opened his lectures on inner time-consciousness (1905; ed. Heidegger, 1928) with Augustine’s Confessions XI and closed the Cartesian Meditations (1931) with his ‘in te redi’. E. Husserl, Vorlesungen zur Phänomenologie des inneren Zeitbewußtseins (ed. M. Heidegger, 1928); Méditations cartésiennes (1931); SEP “Edmund Husserl”

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Scheler took from Augustine the primacy of love over knowledge and the ordo amoris structuring a person’s values (‘Liebe und Erkenntnis’, 1915; ‘Ordo amoris’, publ. 1933). M. Scheler, “Liebe und Erkenntnis” (1915); “Ordo amoris” (written c. 1916; publ. 1933); SEP “Max Scheler”

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Camus’s diploma thesis Christian Metaphysics and Neoplatonism (1936) studied Augustine’s answer to the problem of evil and the passage from Greek thought to Christianity. A. Camus, Métaphysique chrétienne et néoplatonisme (1936); SEP “Albert Camus”

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Ricœur opened Time and Narrative (1983) with Augustine’s analysis of time in Confessions XI, whose distentio animi he answered with Aristotle’s concordant emplotment. P. Ricœur, Temps et récit I (1983); Augustine, Confessiones XI; SEP “Augustine of Hippo”

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King invoked Augustine’s maxim that ‘an unjust law is no law at all’ to justify openly breaking segregation laws (Letter from Birmingham Jail, 1963). M. L. King Jr., “Letter from Birmingham Jail” (1963), in Why We Can’t Wait (1964); Augustine, De libero arbitrio I

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