孔子

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Xunzi honoured Confucius as the sage not blinded by partial views and built on his teaching of ritual (li) and learning; the Xunzi opens with ‘Encouraging Learning’. Xunzi, “Quanxue”, “Jiebi”, tr. E. Hutton, Xunzi: The Complete Text (2014); SEP “Xunzi”

依据: AI 草稿

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Ban Zhao’s Lessons for Women (Nüjie) applied Confucian ritual ethics of humility and deference to women, while arguing that girls too must be educated. Ban Zhao, Nüjie; N. L. Swann, Pan Chao: Foremost Woman Scholar of China (1932)

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Wang Bi commented on the Analects (Lunyu shiyi) and held that Confucius embodied non-being and therefore did not speak of it, whereas Laozi still had to. Wang Bi, Lunyu shiyi (fragments); Liu Yiqing, Shishuo xinyu; R. G. Wagner, The Craft of a Chinese Commentator (2000); SEP “Wang Bi”

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In ‘Essentials of the Way’ (Yuan Dao) Han Yu defined the Way by Confucius’ humaneness and righteousness and traced its transmission from the sage-kings through Confucius to Mencius. Han Yu, Yuan Dao; C. Hartman, Han Yü and the T’ang Search for Unity (1986)

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Zhou Dunyi’s Penetrating the Book of Changes (Tongshu) taught that sagehood can be learned and devoted two sections to Confucius, whose virtue it set beside Heaven and Earth. Zhou Dunyi, Tongshu; W.-t. Chan, A Source Book in Chinese Philosophy (1963)

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Zhang Zai vowed to revive the lapsed learning of the sages of the past and built his philosophy of qi on the Changes commentaries ascribed to Confucius (Zhengmeng, 1076). Zhang Zai, Zhengmeng (1076); Hengqu Yishuo; Zhangzi yulu; W.-t. Chan, A Source Book in Chinese Philosophy (1963)

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Itō Jinsai praised the Analects as the foremost book in the universe and sought its ancient meaning, freed from Song commentary (Rongo kogi, publ. 1712). Itō Jinsai, Rongo kogi (publ. 1712); J. A. Tucker, Itō Jinsai’s Gomō jigi and the Philosophical Definition of Early Modern Japan (1998)

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Ogyū Sorai held that Confucius transmitted the Way of the early kings, their rites, music and institutions, and read the Analects accordingly (Bendō, 1717; Rongo chō). Ogyū Sorai, Bendō (1717); Rongo chō; J. A. Tucker, Ogyū Sorai’s Philosophical Masterworks (2006)

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In his Old and New Commentaries on the Analects (Noneo gogeumju, 1813) Jeong Yak-yong read Confucius’ humaneness as realised in practice between persons, not as an inner principle. Jeong Yak-yong, Noneo gogeumju (1813); M. Setton, Chŏng Yagyong: Korea’s Challenge to Orthodox Neo-Confucianism (1997)

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In Confucius as a Reformer (Kongzi gaizhi kao, 1897) Kang Youwei presented Confucius as a reformer who invented the golden age of the sage-kings to justify institutional change. Kang Youwei, Kongzi gaizhi kao (1897); K.-c. Hsiao, A Modern China and a New World: K’ang Yu-wei, Reformer and Utopian (1975)

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Jaspers counted Confucius among the thinkers of his “Axial Age” (1949) and, with Socrates, Buddha and Jesus, among the four “paradigmatic individuals” of The Great Philosophers (1957). K. Jaspers, Vom Ursprung und Ziel der Geschichte (1949), ch. 1; Die großen Philosophen I (1957), “Die maßgebenden Menschen”

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In Reading the Analects Today (Lunyu jindu, 1998) Li Zehou read Confucius’ teaching as the core of a Chinese culture of this-worldly joy and reason infused with feeling. Li Zehou, Lunyu jindu (1998); J. S. Rošker, Following His Own Path: Li Zehou and Contemporary Chinese Philosophy (2019)

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Vallor drew on Confucian ethics, beside Aristotelian and Buddhist, for practices of moral self-cultivation such as habituation through ritual and reflective self-examination (Technology and the Virtues, 2016). S. Vallor, Technology and the Virtues: A Philosophical Guide to a Future Worth Wanting (2016)

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