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Konfucjusz

według tradycji 551–479 p.n.e.

Pierwsze przybliżeniecelowe uproszczenie – portret mówi więcej

Dobre społeczeństwo wyrasta z ludzi, którzy doskonalą siebie, traktują innych po ludzku i zachowują rytuały spajające życie.

Umiejscowienie

Filozofia wschodnioazjatycka · Azja Wschodnia · Etyka, Polityka i prawo, Społeczeństwo i historia

Porządek przez człowieczeństwo (ren), rytuał (li) i całożyciowe samodoskonalenie.

Kluczowe idee

  • Ren (człowieczeństwo)
  • Li (rytuał)
  • Człowiek szlachetny (junzi)

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Wpływ

Wpływ na 19

  • Mencjusz

    wpływ na ✓

    Mencius, said to have studied with followers of Confucius’ grandson Zisi, wished above all to learn from Confucius and developed his humaneness (ren) into humane government (Mengzi). Mengzi; Sima Qian, Shiji, biography of Mencius and Xunzi; SEP “Mencius”

    Źródło: także w Wikidanych · Wikidata · InPhO

    Mencjusz › ok. 372–289 p.n.e.

  • Zhu Xi

    wpływ na

    Zhu Xi’s Collected Commentaries on the Analects, printed with the Four Books in 1190, read Confucius through principle and became the standard for the examinations from 1313. Zhu Xi, Lunyu jizhu, in Sishu zhangju jizhu (1190); SEP “Zhu Xi”

    Źródło: szkic AI

    Zhu Xi › 1130–1200

  • Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz

    wpływ na ✓

    Leibniz read Confucius in the Jesuit Latin version Confucius Sinarum Philosophus (1687) and in Novissima Sinica (1697) praised Chinese practical and civil philosophy. G. W. Leibniz, Novissima Sinica (1697), preface; P. Couplet et al., Confucius Sinarum Philosophus (1687); D. E. Mungello, Leibniz and Confucianism: The Search for Accord (1977)

    Źródło: także w Wikidanych · Wikidata

    Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz › 1646–1716

  • Christian Wolff

    wpływ na

    In his Halle address on Chinese practical philosophy (1721) Wolff cited Confucian ethics to show that morality can rest on reason alone; it contributed to his expulsion (1723). C. Wolff, Oratio de Sinarum philosophia practica (1721, printed 1726), ed. M. Albrecht (1985); SEP “Christian Wolff”

    Źródło: szkic AI

    Christian Wolff › 1679–1754

  • Voltaire

    wpływ na ✓

    Voltaire’s Essay on Manners (1756), which opens with China, presented Confucius as a sage who taught morality without revelation or miracles. Voltaire, Essai sur les mœurs et l’esprit des nations (1756); Dictionnaire philosophique (1764), “De la Chine”; B. Guy, The French Image of China before and after Voltaire (1963)

    Źródło: także w Wikidanych · Wikidata

    Voltaire › 1694–1778

  • Lew Tołstoj

    wpływ na

    From 1883 Tolstoy read Confucius and Mencius in Legge’s translations and wanted to make the “Chinese sages” known; he wrote an essay for P. Boulanger’s The Life and Teaching of Confucius (1903) and included the Great Learning in his Chinese Wisdom (1907). P. Boulanger, Zhizn’ i uchenie Konfutsiya (1903), with an essay by Tolstoy; Tolstoy, Kitaiskaya mudrost’ (Posrednik, 1907); D. Bodde, Tolstoy and China (1950), pp. 22–23

    Źródło: szkic AI

    Lew Tołstoj › 1828–1910

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  • Xunzi

    wpływ na

    Xunzi honoured Confucius as the sage not blinded by partial views and built on his teaching of ritual (li) and learning; the Xunzi opens with ‘Encouraging Learning’. Xunzi, “Quanxue”, “Jiebi”, tr. E. Hutton, Xunzi: The Complete Text (2014); SEP “Xunzi”

    Źródło: szkic AI

    Xunzi › ok. 310–235 p.n.e.

  • Ban Zhao

    wpływ na

    Ban Zhao’s Lessons for Women (Nüjie) applied Confucian ritual ethics of humility and deference to women, while arguing that girls too must be educated. Ban Zhao, Nüjie; N. L. Swann, Pan Chao: Foremost Woman Scholar of China (1932)

    Źródło: szkic AI

    Ban Zhao › ok. 45–117

  • Wang Bi

    wpływ na

    Wang Bi commented on the Analects (Lunyu shiyi) and held that Confucius embodied non-being and therefore did not speak of it, whereas Laozi still had to. Wang Bi, Lunyu shiyi (fragments); Liu Yiqing, Shishuo xinyu; R. G. Wagner, The Craft of a Chinese Commentator (2000); SEP “Wang Bi”

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    Wang Bi › 226–249

  • Han Yu

    wpływ na

    In ‘Essentials of the Way’ (Yuan Dao) Han Yu defined the Way by Confucius’ humaneness and righteousness and traced its transmission from the sage-kings through Confucius to Mencius. Han Yu, Yuan Dao; C. Hartman, Han Yü and the T’ang Search for Unity (1986)

    Źródło: szkic AI

    Han Yu › 768–824

  • Zhou Dunyi

    wpływ na

    Zhou Dunyi’s Penetrating the Book of Changes (Tongshu) taught that sagehood can be learned and devoted two sections to Confucius, whose virtue it set beside Heaven and Earth. Zhou Dunyi, Tongshu; W.-t. Chan, A Source Book in Chinese Philosophy (1963)

    Źródło: szkic AI

    Zhou Dunyi › 1017–1073

  • Zhang Zai

    wpływ na

    Zhang Zai vowed to revive the lapsed learning of the sages of the past and built his philosophy of qi on the Changes commentaries ascribed to Confucius (Zhengmeng, 1076). Zhang Zai, Zhengmeng (1076); Hengqu Yishuo; Zhangzi yulu; W.-t. Chan, A Source Book in Chinese Philosophy (1963)

    Źródło: szkic AI

    Zhang Zai › 1020–1077

  • Jinsai Itō

    wpływ na

    Itō Jinsai praised the Analects as the foremost book in the universe and sought its ancient meaning, freed from Song commentary (Rongo kogi, publ. 1712). Itō Jinsai, Rongo kogi (publ. 1712); J. A. Tucker, Itō Jinsai’s Gomō jigi and the Philosophical Definition of Early Modern Japan (1998)

    Źródło: szkic AI

    Jinsai Itō › 1627–1705

  • Sorai Ogyū

    wpływ na

    Ogyū Sorai held that Confucius transmitted the Way of the early kings, their rites, music and institutions, and read the Analects accordingly (Bendō, 1717; Rongo chō). Ogyū Sorai, Bendō (1717); Rongo chō; J. A. Tucker, Ogyū Sorai’s Philosophical Masterworks (2006)

    Źródło: szkic AI

    Sorai Ogyū › 1666–1728

  • Jeong Yak-yong (Dasan)

    wpływ na

    In his Old and New Commentaries on the Analects (Noneo gogeumju, 1813) Jeong Yak-yong read Confucius’ humaneness as realised in practice between persons, not as an inner principle. Jeong Yak-yong, Noneo gogeumju (1813); M. Setton, Chŏng Yagyong: Korea’s Challenge to Orthodox Neo-Confucianism (1997)

    Źródło: szkic AI

    Jeong Yak-yong (Dasan) › 1762–1836

  • Kang Youwei

    wpływ na

    In Confucius as a Reformer (Kongzi gaizhi kao, 1897) Kang Youwei presented Confucius as a reformer who invented the golden age of the sage-kings to justify institutional change. Kang Youwei, Kongzi gaizhi kao (1897); K.-c. Hsiao, A Modern China and a New World: K’ang Yu-wei, Reformer and Utopian (1975)

    Źródło: szkic AI

    Kang Youwei › 1858–1927

  • Karl Jaspers

    wpływ na

    Jaspers counted Confucius among the thinkers of his “Axial Age” (1949) and, with Socrates, Buddha and Jesus, among the four “paradigmatic individuals” of The Great Philosophers (1957). K. Jaspers, Vom Ursprung und Ziel der Geschichte (1949), ch. 1; Die großen Philosophen I (1957), “Die maßgebenden Menschen”

    Źródło: szkic AI

    Karl Jaspers › 1883–1969

  • Li Zehou

    wpływ na

    In Reading the Analects Today (Lunyu jindu, 1998) Li Zehou read Confucius’ teaching as the core of a Chinese culture of this-worldly joy and reason infused with feeling. Li Zehou, Lunyu jindu (1998); J. S. Rošker, Following His Own Path: Li Zehou and Contemporary Chinese Philosophy (2019)

    Źródło: szkic AI

    Li Zehou › 1930–2021

  • Shannon Vallor

    wpływ na

    Vallor drew on Confucian ethics, beside Aristotelian and Buddhist, for practices of moral self-cultivation such as habituation through ritual and reflective self-examination (Technology and the Virtues, 2016). S. Vallor, Technology and the Virtues: A Philosophical Guide to a Future Worth Wanting (2016)

    Źródło: szkic AI

    Shannon Vallor › osoba współczesna

Krytyka

Krytyka ze strony 8

  • Mo Di wpływ na

    wpływ na

    According to the Huainanzi (139 BCE) Mozi studied with the Confucians but left them, finding their rites burdensome, and turned from the Zhou model to that of Xia. Huainanzi, “Yaolüe” (139 BCE), tr. J. S. Major et al., The Huainanzi (2010); SEP “Mohism”

    Źródło: szkic AI

    krytyka ze strony

    Mozi attacked the Confucians’ lavish funerals, long mourning and music as wasteful, and set impartial concern for all (jian’ai) against graded, family-first care. Mozi, chs. 25 ‘Jie zang’, 32 ‘Fei yue’, 39 ‘Fei Ru’; SEP “Mohism”

    Źródło: szkic AI

    Mo Di › ok. 470–391 p.n.e.

  • Zhuangzi

    krytyka ze strony

    The Zhuangzi mocks Confucian ‘benevolence and righteousness’ as fetters on spontaneous nature, often by having Confucius himself voice Daoist insights (chs. 4, 6, 14). Zhuangzi, chs. 4, 6, 14; SEP “Zhuangzi”

    Źródło: szkic AI

    Zhuangzi › ok. 369–286 p.n.e.

  • Han Fei

    krytyka ze strony

    Han Feizi counted Confucian scholars among the ‘five vermin’ of the state, arguing that rule by benevolence fails where laws, rewards and punishments are needed (Han Feizi 49–50). Han Feizi, ch. 49 ‘Wudu’, ch. 50 ‘Xianxue’; SEP “Legalism in Chinese Philosophy”

    Źródło: szkic AI

    Han Fei › ok. 280–233 p.n.e.

  • Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel

    krytyka ze strony

    In his Lectures on the History of Philosophy Hegel judged Confucius’ teaching a merely popular, practical morality without speculative philosophy – Cicero’s De officiis, he said, was better than all the books of Confucius. Hegel, Vorlesungen über die Geschichte der Philosophie (lectures 1819–31, ed. Michelet 1833), Introduction, “Chinese Philosophy”

    Źródło: szkic AI

    Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel › 1770–1831

  • Max Weber

    krytyka ze strony

    In Confucianism and Taoism (1915/1920) Weber described Confucian ethics as a rational adjustment to the world, lacking the tension with the world from which the Puritan mastery of the world arose. M. Weber, “Konfuzianismus und Taoismus” (1915; Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Religionssoziologie I, 1920), conclusion “Konfuzianismus und Puritanismus”

    Źródło: szkic AI

    Max Weber › 1864–1920

  • Bertrand Russell

    krytyka ze strony

    In the same book Russell confessed himself “unable to appreciate the merits of Confucius”, whose writings he found largely occupied with trivial points of etiquette, while granting that Confucian ethics had produced no priesthood and no persecution. B. Russell, The Problem of China (1922), ch. XI

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    Bertrand Russell › 1872–1970

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  • Wang Chong

    krytyka ze strony

    In ‘Questioning Confucius’ Wang Chong pointed out contradictions in the Analects, holding that even a sage’s words must be tested against evidence (Lunheng 28). Wang Chong, Lunheng, ch. 28 ‘Wen Kong’, tr. A. Forke, Lun-hêng, 1907–11

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    Wang Chong › ok. 27–100

  • Norinaga Motoori

    krytyka ze strony

    Motoori Norinaga rejected the ‘Chinese mind’ (karagokoro) of Confucian moralising and reasoning, setting against it the ancient Way of the Japanese gods (Naobi no mitama, 1771). Motoori Norinaga, Naobi no mitama (1771); P. Nosco, Remembering Paradise, 1990

    Źródło: szkic AI

    Norinaga Motoori › 1730–1801

Dzieła

Stanowisko

Confucius sought to restore social harmony through moral cultivation rather than force. The central virtue is ren, humaneness, expressed through li, the rites and forms of respectful conduct that structure family and society. Filial piety is the root of all virtue; the junzi, the exemplary person, cultivates himself through learning and leads others by example rather than punishment. Names must be “rectified”, so that a ruler acts as a ruler and a father as a father. From the Han dynasty on, Confucian learning became the basis of state orthodoxy and, with interruptions and alongside Buddhism and Daoism, remained so until 1905; it shaped the cultures of Korea, Japan and Vietnam.

Życie i kontekst

Confucius (Kong Qiu, or Kongzi, “Master Kong”) lived in the state of Lu during the late Spring and Autumn period, an age of political fragmentation. He held minor offices, travelled for years among feudal courts in search of a ruler who would follow his counsel, and spent his later years teaching a circle of disciples, who collected his sayings in the Analects.

Dalsze główne dzieła

  • Analects (Lunyu, compiled c. 5th–4th century BCE)

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