Nancy Fraser
Sprawiedliwość wymaga zarówno sprawiedliwszego podziału bogactwa, jak i szacunku dla różnych tożsamości – oraz sfery publicznej z wieloma głosami, a nie jednym.
Umiejscowienie
Teoretyczka krytyczna z Nowego Jorku: sprawiedliwość wymaga zarówno redystrybucji, jak i uznania – oraz sfery publicznej z wieloma „kontrpublicznościami”, a nie jedną burżuazyjną, jaką opisał Habermas.
Kluczowe idee
- Redystrybucja i uznanie
- Podporządkowane kontrpubliczności
- Partycypacyjny parytet
Wpływ
Pod wpływem 4
Karol Marks
pod wpływem
Fraser extended Marx’s move into the ‘hidden abode’ of production to capitalism’s background conditions: social reproduction, nature and political power (‘Behind Marx’s Hidden Abode’, 2014). N. Fraser, “Behind Marx’s Hidden Abode: For an Expanded Conception of Capitalism”, New Left Review 86 (2014); Cannibal Capitalism (2022)
Źródło: szkic AI
Karol Marks › 1818–1883
Karl Polanyi
pod wpływem
Fraser widened Polanyi’s ‘double movement’ of marketisation and social protection into a ‘triple movement’ that adds emancipation (‘A Triple Movement?’, New Left Review, 2013). N. Fraser, “A Triple Movement? Parsing the Politics of Crisis after Polanyi”, New Left Review 81 (2013); K. Polanyi, The Great Transformation (1944)
Źródło: szkic AI
Karl Polanyi › 1886–1964
Michel Foucault
pod wpływem ✓
Fraser took up Foucault’s analysis of disciplinary power as empirically insightful but normatively confused (‘Foucault on Modern Power: Empirical Insights and Normative Confusions’, 1981). N. Fraser, “Foucault on Modern Power: Empirical Insights and Normative Confusions”, Praxis International 1 (1981); Unruly Practices (1989)
Źródło: także w Wikidanych · Wikidata
Michel Foucault › 1926–1984
Gøsta Esping-Andersen
pod wpływem
In ‘After the Family Wage’ (1994) Fraser drew on Esping-Andersen’s Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism (1990) for her anti-exploitation principle, which protects against dependence on employers or husbands. N. Fraser, “After the Family Wage: Gender Equity and the Welfare State”, Political Theory 22 (1994); G. Esping-Andersen, The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism (1990)
Źródło: szkic AI
Gøsta Esping-Andersen › ur. 1947
Krytyka
Wzajemna krytyka 2
Iris Marion Young ⇄ wzajemnie
krytykuje
Fraser objected that Young’s Justice and the Politics of Difference (1990) runs together cultural and political-economic injustice and affirms group differences that justice may require abolishing (1995). N. Fraser, “Recognition or Redistribution? A Critical Reading of Iris Young’s Justice and the Politics of Difference”, Journal of Political Philosophy 3 (1995); I. M. Young, “Unruly Categories”, New Left Review 222 (1997)
Źródło: szkic AI
krytyka ze strony
Young objected that Fraser’s dual framework of redistribution and recognition splits apart what belongs together: cultural and economic injustice are intertwined in the same structures (‘Unruly Categories’, 1997). I. M. Young, “Unruly Categories: A Critique of Nancy Fraser’s Dual Systems Theory”, New Left Review 222 (1997); reply: N. Fraser, “A Rejoinder to Iris Young”, New Left Review 223 (1997)
Źródło: szkic AI
Iris Marion Young › 1949–2006
Judith Butler ⇄ wzajemnie
krytykuje
Fraser objected that Butler’s resignification offers no norms to distinguish emancipatory from oppressive change (‘False Antitheses’, 1991) and treated heterosexism as misrecognition rather than maldistribution (1998). N. Fraser, “False Antitheses”, Praxis International 11 (1991); “Heterosexism, Misrecognition, and Capitalism: A Response to Judith Butler”, New Left Review 228 (1998)
Źródło: szkic AI
krytyka ze strony
In ‘Merely Cultural’ (1998) Butler objected that Fraser’s split between economic and cultural injustice relegates struggles over sexuality to recognition, although they concern the reproduction of capitalism. J. Butler, “Merely Cultural”, New Left Review 227 (1998); N. Fraser, “Heterosexism, Misrecognition, and Capitalism”, New Left Review 228 (1998)
Źródło: szkic AI
Judith Butler › ur. 1956
Krytyka ze strony 2
Axel Honneth
krytyka ze strony
Against Fraser’s dualism of redistribution and recognition, Honneth argued that distributive conflicts are themselves struggles for recognition, so a single normative concept suffices (Redistribution or Recognition?, 2003). N. Fraser & A. Honneth, Redistribution or Recognition? A Political-Philosophical Exchange (2003; German: Umverteilung oder Anerkennung?, 2003)
Źródło: szkic AI
Axel Honneth › ur. 1949
Glen Sean Coulthard
krytyka ze strony
Coulthard applied his objection to the politics of recognition also to Nancy Fraser’s model: recognition granted within a settler-colonial order reproduces that order (Red Skin, White Masks, 2014). G. S. Coulthard, Red Skin, White Masks: Rejecting the Colonial Politics of Recognition (2014); N. Fraser, “Rethinking Recognition”, New Left Review 3 (2000)
Źródło: szkic AI
Glen Sean Coulthard › ur. 1974
Krytykuje 2
Jürgen Habermas pod wpływem
pod wpływem
Fraser kept Habermas’s public sphere as an indispensable concept of critical theory and carried it beyond the frame of the nation-state (‘Transnationalizing the Public Sphere’, 2007). N. Fraser, “Rethinking the Public Sphere”, Social Text 25/26 (1990); “Transnationalizing the Public Sphere”, Theory, Culture & Society 24 (2007)
Źródło: szkic AI
krytykuje
Fraser objected that Habermas’s system–lifeworld split hides the family’s gendered economy and that his account of the public sphere idealises a forum that excluded women (1985; 1990). N. Fraser, “What’s Critical about Critical Theory? The Case of Habermas and Gender”, New German Critique 35 (1985); “Rethinking the Public Sphere”, Social Text 25/26 (1990)
Źródło: szkic AI
Jürgen Habermas › 1929–2026
Carole Pateman
krytykuje
Fraser objected that Pateman’s The Sexual Contract (1988) reduces gender domination to a master–subject model and misses its impersonal forms in late capitalism (‘Beyond the Master/Subject Model’, 1993). N. Fraser, “Beyond the Master/Subject Model: Reflections on Carole Pateman’s Sexual Contract”, Social Text 37 (1993); repr. in Justice Interruptus (1997)
Źródło: szkic AI
Carole Pateman › ur. 1940
Dzieła
Burżuazyjna sfera publiczna wykluczała kobiety i robotników; demokracja potrzebuje wielu konkurujących „kontrpubliczności”.
Od redystrybucji do uznania – i dlaczego sprawiedliwa polityka potrzebuje obu.
Stanowisko
Fraser’s critique of Habermas’s “Structural Transformation” argued that the bourgeois public sphere was constituted by excluding women and workers, and that democracy needs a multiplicity of “subaltern counterpublics” in which subordinated groups formulate their interests. Her best-known thesis distinguishes two dimensions of justice: redistribution, which addresses economic injustice, and recognition, which addresses cultural status; neither reduces to the other, and the norm uniting them is “participatory parity”, the condition that all can take part in social life as peers. Against Honneth she holds that recognition is a matter of status, not of psychological self-realisation. Later she added political representation as a third dimension.
Życie i kontekst
Nancy Fraser (born 1947 in Baltimore) studied classics at Bryn Mawr and took her doctorate at the City University of New York in 1980. She has taught at Northwestern and, since 1995, at the New School for Social Research in New York, and has held visiting chairs in Paris and Frankfurt. Her debates with Axel Honneth and Judith Butler, and her critique of Habermas, shaped critical theory in the 1990s and 2000s.
Dalsze główne dzieła
- Unruly Practices (1989)
- Redistribution or Recognition? (with Axel Honneth, 2003)
- Cannibal Capitalism (2022)
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